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SheBelieves Cup Returns With USA Set To Face Argentina, Canada and Colombia

SheBelieves Cup Returns With USA Set To Face Argentina, Canada and Colombia

Get ready: the 11th annual SheBelieves Cup has been set.

The U.S. women’s national team will host Argentina in Nashville, Tenn. on March 1, Canada in Columbus, Ohio on March 4, and Colombia in Harrison, N.J. on March 7 in the four-team tournament.

The United States, ranked No. 2 in the world behind Spain, and Canada are the top teams in the Concacaf region, while Colombia and Argentina played each other in the 2025 Copa American Feminina semifinals. Colombia won that match following a penalty shootout before falling to Brazil in the tournament final, also on penalty kicks. 

“These are three teams that will likely be in the World Cup in 2027 and, of course, we’ll likely see Canada in World Cup qualifying at the end of the year, so when focusing on our continued preparations and growth as a team, the SheBelieves Cup is of great value,” USA head coach Emma Hayes said in a statement. 

“Each team brings different strengths and will challenge us to find success in all parts of the field, which is exactly what we need as we continue our process to build toward the big events on the horizon.”

The United States won five consecutive SheBelieves Cups before falling to Japan in the 2025 final, and has seven overall titles.

This year’s tournament comes after an important development window for the USA. In just a few weeks, Hayes will hold her annual January camp in Los Angeles that will run from Jan. 17-27, and feature matches against Paraguay on Jan. 24 at Dignity Health Sports Park and against Chile on Jan. 27 at Harder Stadium at UC Santa Barbara.

This is a critical year for the USA. In November, the squad will compete in the 2026 Concacaf W Championship that will serve as qualifying for the 2027 World Cup in Brazil, as well as the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles. The USA — who are reigning gold medalists — have an automatic berth to the next Olympics as hosts.

Laken Litman covers college football, college basketball and soccer for FOX Sports. She is the author of “Strong Like a Woman,” published in spring 2022 to mark the 50th anniversary of Title IX. Follow her at @LakenLitman.

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A NATO Promise Not to Enlarge? Not according to Putin 1.0

A NATO Promise Not to Enlarge? Not according to Putin 1.0

Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed in his end-of-the-year press conference that Western “promises that they had given us about refraining from expanding NATO were being ignored.”  Just two days earlier in a Dec. 17 meeting with the Russian Defense Ministry’s Collegium, Putin said Russia was “insisting” that NATO fulfill a supposed promise not to enlarge. He made a similar claim in a Dec. 4 press conference in New Delhi. The notion that Moscow received a promise that NATO would not enlarge has become a standard Putin talking point.

It’s a canard.

Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev denied the supposed promise had been made. Boris Yeltsin, the first Russian president after the Soviet breakup, did not raise it publicly or with his American counterpart. And Putin himself also did not raise it for the first seven years of his presidency.

A Russian Claim Takes Hold

The Kremlin did not like NATO enlargement from the beginning, and significant voices in the West, such as George Kennan, criticized Alliance enlargement. However, the notion of a NATO promise not to enlarge has gained currency only in the past two decades. That reflects sometimes contrasting statements made by Western officials in 1990 as well as successful Russian disinformation efforts launched after Putin had been president for years.

The supposed no-enlargement commitment has been adopted by a disparate group of Western commentators. For example, in May 2016, Texas A&M Professor Joshua Shifrinson wrote that NATO had pledged not to enlarge in 1990. Right-wing influencer Candace Owens tweeted on Feb. 22, 2022, on the eve of Russia’s all-out invasion of Ukraine: “NATO (under the direction from the United States) is violating previous agreements and expanding eastward,” citing remarks made by Putin.

What Was Agreed

As talks about the reunification of West and East Germany began in early 1990, some U.S. and Western officials floated the idea that NATO could agree not to enlarge. Some suggested a broad commitment while others focused more narrowly on what the Alliance might or might not do in East Germany. In one frequently cited conversation, Secretary of State James Baker told Gorbachev in Moscow in February 1990: “If we maintain a presence in a Germany that is part of NATO, there would be no extension of NATO’s jurisdiction for forces of NATO one inch to the east.” (I was then a deputy director on the State Department’s Soviet desk and a member of Baker’s delegation in Moscow, and understood this to mean no expansion of NATO forces into East Germany.)

In any case, as American University Professor James Goldgeier has noted, U.S. officials “backed away” from the broader suggestions. Instead, the negotiations on German reunification addressed the narrow issue of not introducing NATO forces into former East German territory after reunification. NATO member states made no broad undertaking to not take in new members.

The “two-plus-four” negotiations between West Germany and East Germany plus Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and United States produced the treaty on German reunification, signed in September 1990 in Moscow. The treaty includes no commitment not to enlarge NATO. Its Article 5 addresses the status of military forces in Berlin and former East Germany:

• As long as Soviet forces still remained in East Germany (withdrawal would not be completed until 1994), the only Western units that could deploy there were German territorial defense forces not under NATO command.

• The United States, Britain, and France would not increase their troop levels in Berlin.

•After completion of the Soviet withdrawal, German units assigned to NATO could deploy into former East Germany, but foreign forces could not.

In sum, the treaty ruled that non-German NATO military forces could not deploy into what had been East Germany, but it contained no broad commitment that the Alliance would not enlarge.

Gorbachev Denied It

Gorbachev was president of the Soviet Union in 1990 when the reunification treaty was concluded. In an October 2014 interview, he denied a NATO promise not to enlarge:  “The topic of ‘NATO expansion’ was not discussed at all, and it wasn’t brought up in those years.”

What was discussed, according to Gorbachev, was ensuring that NATO military structures did not deploy in former East Germany. That was a logical point given that Soviet forces would not complete withdraw for four years. As noted above, the reunification treaty addressed that.

Yeltsin Did not Raise It

The Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991. The new Russian leader, Yeltsin, was no fan of NATO enlargement, but there is no record of Yeltsin publicly claiming that the Alliance had committed not to enlarge. In an October 1993 letter to President Bill Clinton, Yeltsin wrote that enlargement violated “the spirit” of the German reunification treaty and seemed to suggest that the treaty’s limits on deploying foreign troops in former East Germany amounted to a broader ban on NATO enlarging to the east. However, he made no mention of any promise not to enlarge.

The issues of enlarging the Alliance and NATO-Russian relations arose regularly in talks between Clinton and Yeltsin. Most U.S. records of those conversations have been declassified.  They do not reveal a Yeltsin claim to Clinton that NATO was breaking a commitment not to add new members. Did no one in the Kremlin or in the Russian foreign ministry tell Yeltsin of this supposed promise? My own recollection from my time at the National Security Council from December 1994 to August 1997 is that Yeltsin never raised an alleged no-enlargement promise.

Nor Did Putin …

Putin became president of Russia on Jan. 1, 2000. In his first years as president, Putin seemed to want to cultivate positive relations with the United States and the West, though as it turned out, he apparently wanted to entertain ties only on his terms.

A few memoranda of conversations of meetings between Putin and President George W. Bush have been declassified. In their first meeting in June 2001, Putin questioned the need for NATO enlargement and said Russia felt “left out” but did not cite a NATO promise not to enlarge.  When asked about the prospective entrance of the Baltic states into NATO in a November 2001 interview, Putin questioned whether “mechanical enlargements” of the Alliance would increase security in the 21st century but voiced no word about a no-enlargement commitment.

Putin attended the May 28, 2002, NATO-Russia summit in Rome that produced a declaration in which the sides said they would deepen relations between the Alliance and Russia. At a subsequent press briefing, Putin did not claim the Alliance had committed not to enlarge, though he had to know that allied leaders would hold a summit that November and extend invitations to additional countries to join NATO, likely including Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.

Just days earlier, on May 17, Putin had appeared at a press conference with Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma. Instead of complaining about NATO breaking a no-enlargement commitment, he encouraged Kuchma to take Ukraine as far as it wished with the Alliance: “Ukraine has its own relations with NATO; there is the Ukraine-NATO Council. At the end of the day the decision is to be taken by NATO and Ukraine. It is a matter for those two partners.” (With that encouragement from Putin, Ukraine publicly announced just six days later its intention to seek NATO membership.)

Putin had obvious opportunities in subsequent years to raise NATO’s supposed promise. For example, in an April 2004 meeting with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, Putin said NATO enlargement would not address contemporary threats but assessed NATO-Russia relations as developing in a positive manner. The Kremlin website makes no mention of an Alliance commitment not to enlarge.

In a May 2005 interview with a French TV company, Putin was specifically asked “does it irritate you that NATO is seeking to expand its influence among your neighbors and partners, in Ukraine and Georgia, for example?” Putin responded “This does not irritate us… If NATO wants to expand to take in these countries as members, that, of course, is another question.”  Putin went on to call enlargement a “technical process,” said he did not understand how enlarging to include the Baltic states would promote greater security, but added “I want to stress that we will respect their choice because it is their sovereign right…”

The interview gave Putin the ideal opportunity to remind the journalist and the world of any supposed commitment by the Alliance not to enlarge. According to the Kremlin website’s transcript of the interview, he said nothing about it.

… for Seven Years

By late 2006, Russian relations with the West, particularly the United States, had become more difficult. It appears that Putin publicly raised the alleged no-enlargement promise for the first time only at the February 2007 Munich Security Conference: “I think it is obvious that NATO expansion does not have any relation to modernization of the Alliance itself or with ensuring security in Europe. … And we have the right to ask: against whom is this expansion intended?  And what happened to the assurances [about not enlarging] our Western partners made after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact? Where are those declarations today?”

Putin and Bush met in April 2008 immediately after the Bucharest NATO summit at which Bush had sought but failed to secure NATO leaders’ consensus for membership action plans for Ukraine and Georgia. Putin spoke at length about his concern about the Alliance taking in Ukraine or Georgia. Curiously, however, more than a year after his speech in Munich, Putin said nothing to the American president about a promise or assurance that NATO would not enlarge.

When Putin spoke in Munich, he had been president of Russia for seven years. So, are people to believe Putin only learned about this “promise” that late in his presidency? Even if in his early years as Russian president Putin sought good relations with the West, would he not have gently mentioned the promise? Or, more logically, did Putin and the Kremlin in late 2006 or early 2007 simply manufacture the argument based on some loose talk in 1990?

Putin uses this now as a pretext to help justify his neo-imperialist war on Ukraine. However, it is a promise denied by Gorbachev, never raised by Yeltsin, and not mentioned by Putin for seven years and then only when U.S.-Russia and NATO-Russia relations had begun to deteriorate.

FEATURED IMAGE: French President Jacques Chirac (L), Russian President Vladimir Putin (C) and US President George W. Bush react after military jets conduct a ceremonial flyover on May 28, 2002, during a group photo opportunity at the Pratica di Mare airbase, near Rome, during meetings of NATO allies and Russia to identify and pursue opportunities for joint action, such as terrorism. (Photo by PAUL J. RICHARDS/AFP via Getty Images)

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Sybil Wilkes Breaks Down What We Need to Know: January 7, 2025

Sybil Wilkes Breaks Down What We Need to Know: January 7, 2025

Source: Reach Media / Radio One

Sybil Wilkes delivers the latest on “What We Need to Know,” keeping our community informed and empowered. From changes in childhood vaccine guidelines to a wide-open governor’s race in Minnesota and crucial tax deadlines for business owners, here’s a breakdown of today’s essential headlines.

January 6, 2021 Attack on the Capitol

Five years after the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, the event remains a deeply divisive issue in American politics. The nation still struggles to find common ground on how to remember that day, with no official memorial or shared historical account established. A planned plaque to honor the officers who defended the Capitol has yet to be installed, highlighting the ongoing political disagreements. As the anniversary was marked, former President Trump addressed House Republicans, placing blame on the rioters for the violence. This statement underscores the persistent national divide over the incident and its meaning for the country’s future, leaving many to wonder how the nation can move forward without a unified understanding of its own recent history.

The One-Year Anniversary of the Palisades and Eton Fires

In Los Angeles County, communities are still rebuilding one year after the devastating Palisades and Eaton fires. The fires, which ignited within hours of each other on January 7, 2025, destroyed thousands of homes and tragically claimed lives. The Palisades fire, fanned by extreme Santa Ana winds that gusted up to 90 mph, grew from a small blaze into a massive wildfire in mere minutes. Later that day, the Eaton fire also spread rapidly, compounding the disaster. The recovery process has been long and arduous for residents, serving as a powerful reminder of the increasing threat of wildfires fueled by severe weather and dry conditions, and the resilience of the communities determined to rebuild.

Gasoline Predictions

There may be some welcome news for your wallet in the near future. GasBuddy’s latest forecast predicts that the national average price for a gallon of gas could hover around $3 in 2026, potentially marking the lowest annual average since 2020. The fuel price outlook suggests an average of $2.97 per gallon, a decrease from the 2025 average of $3.10. This anticipated drop is credited to improving global economic conditions following the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, experts caution that prices will likely still see fluctuations due to factors like seasonal demand, refinery maintenance, potential hurricanes, and other geopolitical events. While the overall trend looks positive, it’s a good idea to keep an eye on these variables.

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Still plenty of mildness – for now – after a historic holiday warm wave » Yale Climate Connections

Still plenty of mildness – for now – after a historic holiday warm wave » Yale Climate Connections

From Phoenix to Denver to Houston, it was anything but a White Christmas. Tens of millions of Americans experienced the warmest holiday-straddling fortnight in more than a century of record-keeping, even as pulses of more seasonable cold and snow swept through parts of the Midwest and Northeast. The large-scale mildness seemed to be on cruise control during the first full week of 2026, yet some big realignments may allow for more truly wintry weather by late January.

Across the broad holiday stretch from Saturday, December 20, through Sunday, January 4, temperatures were the warmest on record for many locations across the Western and Central U.S., often by margins of three to five degrees Fahrenheit beyond the next-warmest year — which is quite a feat for a 16-day period. Here are a few examples — including four of the nation’s 10 largest cities — shown with their average for the period (in °F) and the starting year of the period of record-keeping, or POR:

Cheyenne, Wyoming: 42 (POR 1873-)
Wichita, Kansas: 44.5 (POR 1889-)
Salt Lake City, Utah: 44.7 (POR 1875-)
Denver, Colorado: 45.4 (POR 1872-)
Albuquerque, New Mexico: 48.3 (POR 1892-); margin 3.8°F
Amarillo, Texas: 51.8 (POR 1892-); margin 5.2°F
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma: 52.7 (POR 1891-); margin 3.9°F
Lubbock, Texas: 55.3 (POR 1911-); margin 5.0°F
Dallas-Fort Worth, Texas: 60.6 (POR 1899-); margin 3.3°F
San Antonio, Texas: 64.8 (POR 1886-)
Houston, Texas: 66.1 (POR 1982-)
Phoenix, Arizona: 64.4 (POR 1896-)

Out of hundreds of startling individual records during this span — such as 84°F in Oklahoma City on December 27, when the normal high is 48°F — perhaps the most eye-popping emerged from Salt Lake City three days before Christmas Day. As noted by meteorologist Alan Gerard on Substack, the city’s “low” temperature of 59°F on December 22 was not only the warmest daily minimum in Salt Lake City’s December history — it was warmer than the record high for that date of 57°F!

While many folks on holiday were donning T-shirts and shorts, skiers and snowboarders had to contend with anemic snowpack over much of the West, in part because unusual warmth have led to melting (and even rain at times) at distressingly high altitudes. Apart from the California Sierra and a strip from eastern Washington to western Wyoming, most of the West’s snowpack by year’s end was only about half of average — or less. In the doleful words of the website Powderchasers, “This winter is teaching the same blunt lesson across the country: precipitation only becomes ski season if the atmosphere is cold enough, long enough, at the elevations that matter.”

Meanwhile, Southern California got a holiday drenching, with a series of major Pacific storms delivering torrential rain, especially around and just north of the Los Angeles area. Across the 16-day period above, Santa Barbara notched 10.24 inches, its highest total for those dates in 85 years of record-keeping. The 7.17 inches in downtown Los Angeles was the city’s third-highest total for that span in data going back 139 years.

By early January, the moist, greening landscapes around L.A. couldn’t have offered a much more stark contrast to the bone-dry conditions that had fueled the catastrophic Palisades and Eaton fires just a year earlier.

Although a few thunderstorms had high rainfall rates, much of the SoCal rain fell in more moderate fashion, and that cut down on the flood risk, which had been newly exacerbated by the 2025 burn scars. (Western Washington and Oregon weren’t so fortunate just a couple of weeks earlier, as a prolonged, intense atmospheric river with unusually high snow levels led to record flooding and widespread landslides in early December.)

The California storms also brought generous snows to the state’s Sierra range after a paltry autumn. The state’s monthly survey on December 30 showed the critical Sierra snowpack had climbed to 71% of average. And California’s reservoir storage was up to 123% of the average to date, thanks in large part to three consecutive years of heavier-than-usual snowpack leading into this fall.

Much farther north, Alaska has been memorably wintry even by its own chilly standards. Over the 16-day holiday period, the capital city of Juneau received 52.2 inches of snow, demolishing the old record of 32.8 inches across 83 years of data, and the average temperature of 12.9°F was the fourth coldest on record for that period. The local Tlingit and Haida Indian Tribes issued a joint declaration of emergency on January 6, and the city of Juneau may shortly follow suit.

Looking ahead, long-range forecast models are hinting that a major rearrangement of this winter’s resilient pattern over North America could emerge by late January. Assuming that strong upper-level ridging pokes its way through western Canada and into Alaska in a couple of weeks, as suggested by some model ensemble members, that could open the door for frigid high pressure to surge southward toward the United States along the east side of the ridge. Some of the more intense midwinter U.S. cold waves of recent decades have followed similar playbooks, so it’s a prospect that bears watching.

La Niña may soon beat an unusually hasty retreat

This winter’s record southwestern warmth and the more typical northeastern chill align fairly well with what we’ve come to expect when La Niña comes to town. This periodic cooling of the eastern tropical Pacific Ocean often causes large-scale weather reverberations that last from northern fall into spring. During U.S. winters, La Niña events tend to sharpen the usual north-to-south temperature contrasts. This is much like what we’ve been seeing, albeit this time in a more northeast-to-southwest fashion, and with a warm skew to the entire picture (not a shocking outcome on a warming planet).

Still plenty of mildness – for now – after a historic holiday warm wave » Yale Climate Connections
Figure 1. Temperature anomalies (departures from the 1991-2020 average, in degrees Fahrenheit) for the 30-day period ending on January 6, 2026. (Image credit: NOAA/NWS Climate Prediction Center.)

Weak La Niña conditions have prevailed for several months now, but they might segue with unusual speed into El Niño (the periodic warming of the eastern tropical Pacific). Already, temperatures averaged through the depth of the equatorial Pacific are running warmer than usual; eventually, the surface waters and the overlying atmosphere may warm as well.

The outlooks issued in December by NOAA and the International Research Institute for Science and Society implied that the balance will shift toward neutral conditions by spring and that El Niño might become likely by next fall, a common time for El Niño onset. However, there are already signs of the westerly wind bursts that can push across the Pacific tropics and help spur El Niño into action. In fact, two of the strongest El Niño events of the last half century, those of 1997-98 and 2023-24, were well underway by northern spring.

Headwinds and tailwinds from a broader long-term shift

Both El Niño and La Niña take shape within a longer-lasting atmospheric pattern called the Pacific Decadal Oscillation, or PDO. The PDO includes favored locations for atmospheric high and low pressure: the positive PDO fingerprint overlaps closely with El Niño conditions, and the negative PDO overlaps with La Niña. When the envelope of positive PDO conditions is in place, it tends to boost El Niño events and work against La Niña events; the converse is true of the negative PDO.

In one of the biggest and most vexing mysteries of climate science, the PDO has largely favored its negative mode for decades now. That’s made the eastern tropical Pacific one of the few oceanic areas of the globe that’s cooled rather than warmed. The pattern may also be feeding into the U.S. Southwest’s tendency toward drought since 2000, and several recent studies have linked this prolonged negative PDO trend to human-caused climate change.

Read: Why winter rains keep skipping the Southwest

There’s also a surge of research, including this just-published paper led by Clara Deser of the National Center for Atmospheric Research, indicating that a global-scale tropical ocean configuration that includes the eastern tropical Pacific cooling may have blunted the weather impacts of the otherwise potent 2023-24 El Niño.

The Pacific Decadal Oscillation, January 1854-December 2025. The chart shows an alternation between positive and negative modes, with more negative modes in the past 10 years. The Pacific Decadal Oscillation, January 1854-December 2025. The chart shows an alternation between positive and negative modes, with more negative modes in the past 10 years.
Figure 2.  Trends in the monthly Pacific Decadal Oscillation from 1854 through 2025. (Image credit: NOAA/NCEI)

One thing we know for sure: the negative PDO hasn’t been going anywhere fast. In July 2025, the monthly PDO index dipped to -4.21. That’s the first value below -4 in a NOAA database that extends all the way back to 1854. And the PDO value for every single month since October 2019 has been negative. That’s the longest such continuous stretch in the entire 172-year record.

Jeff Masters contributed to this post.

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Greenland, Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Iran, and more: After Maduro’s capture, right-wing media encourage escalating US involvement around the globe

Greenland, Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Iran, and more: After Maduro’s capture, right-wing media encourage escalating US involvement around the globe

Following the U.S. capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, right-wing media figures are pushing for the Trump administration to next target other countries — including Colombia, Cuba, and Mexico — and even to take Greenland from Denmark, a NATO ally.

President Donald Trump has publicly contemplated further military action against other countries such as Colombia and Cuba. In recent interviews, both Trump and White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller have pushed for the United States to take over Greenland for security and mineral resources. Trump’s suggestions of nation building in Venezuela and possibly more countries are a shift from MAGA’s seemingly isolationist policy platform, and the military actions in Venezuela have caused a split in the right-wing base between those against foreign interference and “America First” isolationism. 

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Asian Diet: How It Works, Benefits, Foods, and More

Asian Diet: How It Works, Benefits, Foods, and More

You’re likely to get more antioxidants from an Asian diet than a Western one. “You’re certainly getting a lot more nutrients than the food label captures,” Dr. Li says.

Antioxidants are substances that protect your cells from damage caused by free radicals. Free radicals — molecules created when your body breaks down food or you’re exposed to external stressors like pollution — may play a role in heart disease, cancer, and other chronic diseases.

As many antioxidants double as pigments, the natural color of your food is one way to tell what types of antioxidants you’re getting. For example, pink and red fruits like tomatoes and grapefruit typically have lycopene as their primary antioxidant, says Li.

Research also suggests lycopene has anti-inflammatory properties that may lower your risk of disease.

Unsweetened tea is a staple of the Asian diet — and it’s one big reason the diet may stave off chronic diseases, Supan says. “Any tea is going to be packed with a good amount of antioxidants.”

Here are some more Asian diet benefits research has uncovered.

1. Helps Prevent and Manage Type 2 Diabetes

According to the most recent available study, both Asian Americans and Caucasian Americans at risk of type 2 diabetes lowered their insulin resistance — a hallmark of type 2 diabetes — after following a traditional Asian diet for 16 weeks. Those who switched back to a traditional Western diet then increased their insulin resistance.

The Asian diet may prevent diabetes because it prioritizes foods known to keep blood sugar under control, like fruits and vegetables, legumes, whole grains, and healthy fats, while limiting sweets and ultra-processed foods that tend to spike blood sugar.

The Asian diet may also help control type 2 diabetes if you have the disease, but you’ll need to pay attention to portion sizes, especially when it comes to whole grains, Supan says.

The American Heart Association (AHA) highlights that while many aspects of the Asian diet promote health, some — like high amounts of white rice, sodium, and cooking oils with saturated fat — could actually contribute to type 2 diabetes.

 If you’re following an Asian diet and are at risk of developing diabetes, you may want to steer away from these aspects of the diet to maximize its health benefits.

2. Lowers Heart Disease Risk

Asian diets, and the Japanese diet in particular, may lower your risk of cardiovascular disease, according to research. In particular, Asian diets with less focus on meat and plenty of antioxidant-rich vegetables, whole grains, fish, and tea benefited heart health.

Research also notes that Japan ranks among the highest life expectancies in the world, and a diet that supports heart health may be why. Soybean products like tofu and natto as well as pickled vegetables and seaweed may contribute to the cardiovascular benefits of the Japanese diet specifically.

The key role of fish in many Asian diets, especially in coastal regions, may explain some of these heart-health benefits, Li says. Fish contain omega-3 fatty acids, a group of healthy fats that can lower your risk of heart disease, heart failure, and stroke.

Additionally, teas are especially rich in a type of polyphenol known as flavonols, which could lower blood pressure and cholesterol — two risk factors for heart disease.

3. Promotes Gut Health

Asian diets typically include a lot of fermented foods like tempeh, miso, and kimchi, according to Li. These foods are rich sources of probiotics, or “good bacteria” that benefit your gut.

Probiotics maintain a healthy balance between the bacteria in your body, supporting immune function and controlling inflammation.

 They may also help treat and prevent diarrhea, irritable bowel syndrome, ulcerative colitis, and Crohn’s disease.

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Spotify now lets you share what you’re streaming in real time with friends | TechCrunch

Spotify now lets you share what you’re streaming in real time with friends | TechCrunch

Spotify is adding even more social features as it seeks to keep users from leaving the app to share music. The company on Wednesday said it is introducing a new Messages feature that will let users see what their friends are streaming in real time and send requests to start Jams, the app’s collaborative listening feature.

Users would first have to navigate to their Settings and turn on the “listening activity” feature in the “Privacy & Social” section. Once that’s done, your listening activity will appear at the top of Messages chats. You can tap a friend’s listening activity to play the track, save it, open the menu, or react with an emoji.

As for starting a Jam, Premium users can tap the “Jam” option in the top right corner to send a request to their friends. If the other user accepts it, they will become the Jam host, and both users would be able to add tracks to a shared queue and listen to music together.

Image Credits:Spotify

Listening Activity and Request to Jam will roll out to the iOS and Android apps in markets where Messages is available, and will be broadly available in these markets by early February. Listening Activity is available to all users with access to Messages, while Free users can join a Request to Jam session when invited by a Premium user.

Spotify notes that because both of these new features are available through Messages, they are only available to users 16 and older.

The streaming platform first launched Messages in August 2025 in a bid to become a more social app. While users have long shared Spotify links to music and podcasts outside the platform, the new messaging capabilities signal a push to keep more interactions within the app as the company looks to increase user retention metrics and attract more paying users.

Messages on Spotify can only be sent to individual users at the moment, and you can only chat with people you’ve previously shared content with, such as collaborators on a playlist or participants in a Jam or Blend. Messages are encrypted at rest and in transit, but they are not protected by end-to-end encryption. 

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The week in politics (Jan. 7, 2026) | Houston Public Media

The week in politics (Jan. 7, 2026) | Houston Public Media

Houston Matters begins at 9 a.m. CT on 88.7FM. You can also listen online or watch live on YouTube. Join the discussion. Call or text 713-440-8870. Email talk@houstonmatters.org or tag us @HoustonMatters.

On Wednesday’s show: We discuss the latest developments in politics in our weekly roundup.

Also this hour: In this month’s installment of The Full Menu, Houston food writers discuss their favorite new restaurants that opened in 2025.

And we chat with Puerto Rican composer and saxophonist Miguel Zenón about his upcoming performance with Kinetic Ensemble.

Audio from today’s show will be available after 11 a.m. CT. We also offer a free podcast here, on iTunes, Stitcher and other apps.

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Texans warned not to plant unmarked seed packets from unknown senders

Texans warned not to plant unmarked seed packets from unknown senders

Commissioner Miller Warns Texas as China Mystery Seed Package Deliveries Continue (1/5/2026)

The Texas Department of Agriculture is warning residents not to plant seeds that are mysteriously appearing in the mail from unknown sources. 

In the past year, over 1,000 such packages have been collected by the department, the first originating from China. 

Mysterious Texas seed packets

The first unsolicited seed packet came to the TDA’s attention in February 2025, when a resident of Clute was mailed a package from China they didn’t ask for. Along with the unidentified seeds, the package contained an unknown liquid. 

Immediately, the TDA warned Texans to be extremely careful if they get unsolicited packages like these in the mail. They’ve since collected 1,101 packages of seeds from 109 locations.

The TDA said in their Monday release that they’ve since found that the issue isn’t limited to Texas. Reports from Ohio, New Mexico and Alabama have shown a widespread area of effect in the apparently coordinated effort to spread mysterious seeds. 

Risk to national biosecurity

Why you should care:

While small, the TDA says, these packets could pose a huge risk if not handled properly. They say the effort could be a serious and ongoing threat to the nation’s agricultural biosecurity.

What they’re saying:

“At a glance, this might seem like a small problem, but this is serious business,” said Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller. “The possible introduction of an invasive species to the state via these seeds poses real risks to Texas families and the agriculture industry. We need everyone to report these packages when they arrive so the contents may be gathered and disposed of properly.”

The TDA and federal partners are working to collect, test, and safely dispose of the foreign seeds. 

“Whether it’s part of an ongoing scam or something more sinister, we are determined to protect Texans,” said Miller. “Unsolicited seeds coming into our country are a risk to American agriculture, our environment, and public safety. Texas isn’t going to take chances when it comes to protecting our people and our food supply.”

What you can do:

If you receive an unsolicited package, do not open its contents; instead, keep them sealed in their original packaging and contact the Texas Department of Agriculture immediately at 1-(800) TELL-TDA for guidance and safe collection.

The Source: Information in this article comes from the Texas Department of Agriculture.

Texas

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How one rancher beat drought, debt, and low cotton prices » Yale Climate Connections

How one rancher beat drought, debt, and low cotton prices » Yale Climate Connections

Transcript:

In 2008, Texan Chad Raines took over his family’s cotton farm, which had been worked by his father and grandfather before him. But he struggled to stay afloat.

Raines: “It just kept getting harder and harder. The prices of everything that we bought to manage the farm kept going up.”

So he started raising sheep. That was more lucrative. But in drought years, he struggled to grow crops to feed his flock, so he had to either buy feed or lease additional land.

Raines: “Raising sheep was still more profitable than cotton, but we were just barely getting by.”

Then Raines heard that farmers could get paid to keep their sheep at solar farms.

The sheep graze around the solar panels, keeping weeds from shading them. And the farmers can still harvest meat, milk, and wool.

So now Raines raises sheep on nine solar farms. He says he’s finally making a profit and building a business he can pass on to his sons.

Raines: “We were out at one of our sites … and it just dawned on me. I stepped back and realized that I was out there along with my dad and both of my boys. Just to think that there were three generations of us all working together … you know, it’s meant a lot to our family to be able to keep it going.”

Reporting credit: Ethan Freedman / ChavoBart Digital Media

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